Despite a promising start after independence, bilateral relations between India and Myanmar have had a long history of mutual neglect and obliviousness. This paper revisits the developments since the end of colonial rule and points out crucial historical landmarks. Further, the most important policy issues between the two nations are discussed. The focal point of the analysis is the question of whether one can expect new directions in the bilateral relationship since the election of new governments in India in 2014 and in Myanmar in 2015.
In recent debates on the theoretical framework of social sciences, Indian political scientist Go-pal Guru mounted a critique that Indian social science is not representative and egalitarian. In the same breath, Gopal Guru sought to rationalise this lacuna. Guru claimed that the works of Dalit scholars and thinkers are more performance-oriented and less theoretical. This paper would raise several issues with reference to Gopal Guru’s claims: Does theory belong to an elite category?
This paper explores the new alternative politics popularised by the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) as an antidote to the conventional politics that plague Indian democracy. It locates this politics not in an already constituted framework like other caste-, community- and class-based political parties, but as a performative construct articulated through the symbols of the broom, the muf-fler and the Wagon R. Contrary to the understanding that AAP leaders are fully evolved com-mon men, it is proposed that their commonness was a product of these symbols.
Until recently, India’s wealthy were held in contempt and perceived with suspicion both by the general public and the media; newspaper articles about the greedy rich and their excesses pro-liferated. However, following the global financial crisis of 2008, magazines like Forbes India began aggressively pushing the idea of the generous and caring Indian business elites, a “force of good”; annual events such as the Forbes sponsored Philanthropy Awards and art and fashion galas for a good cause became popular and the notion of philanthrocapitalism was embraced by the elite.
This article looks at the emergence of the Kalakshetra sari as an object of consumption for the Indian nationalist elite in the 1930s within the context of the Theosophical Movement, preoc-cupations with the role of women in public life, and the material culture practices of colonial South India. The Kalakshetra School of dance and music, founded by Rukmini Devi Arundale, is considered a leading institution in the classicisation of the performing arts to promote pan-In-dian nationalism.
The number of non-resident Indians and People of Indian Origin living in Germany has doubled in the last 15 years. Against this background, the paper looks at the multiple cross-border linkages maintained by Indian migrants in Germany. The paper first portrays the development of Indo-German migration since 1950. The main section then describes what linkages are developed by Indian migrants living in Germany between their places of residence and their places of origin.
For decades, if not centuries, the term imperialism has been used in manifold and ambivalent ways. Some historians, such as William Hancock, therefore shied away from using it in their texts, while others set up theories to explain as much as possible with regard to the European expansion into the non-European world – and in some cases even beyond.
Narendra Modi’s overwhelming election victory has brought with it expectations of fast and noticeable improvements in the living conditions of hundreds of millions of Indians. The main focus of the new government is, therefore, the economic development of India, which is also one of the two leading guidelines for Modi’s foreign policy. The other major concern for the new government is the relationship with China. Modi’s success or failure in these two areas of India’s foreign policy will determine the country’s future role as a great power in global politics.
In this paper, we propose to reconcile the controversial debate on Muslim “vote banks” in India by shifting the spatial focus from state-wide assessments to the level of constituencies. Taking the example of Gujarat and Uttar Pradesh in the 2014 general elections, and using an innovative booth-level ecological inference model, we show that Muslims might indeed vote en bloc for or against certain parties, but they tend to do so in a much more localised way than previously assumed.
The 2014 parliamentary elections in India delivered an unexpectedly clear mandate for change: the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) won an absolute majority in the lower house, the Lok Sabha. Its controversial leading candidate Narendra Modi is the new prime minister of India. How could the BJP achieve such an overwhelming victory? This article analyses the elections and some of the main reasons for the unprecedented BJP triumph. It starts by evaluating voter turnout and its consequences and then discusses the result itself.